By Haiza Labro
November 06, 2012 is tomorrow. And tomorrow, the Head of State, President of the Republic of Cameroon, H.E Paul Biya has spent 30 years in power. To this, if we add the seven years he served under late President Adhijo as Prime Minister; you will understand why he could easily be described by bookmakers as the Maradona of Cameroon politics. For these 30 years, shopping baskets have been empty, injustice and inequality, the drama of abject poverty has been perpetual and unspeakable in homes. Rich and beggars (piling up every day), the rate of unemployed experiencing exponential growth, crime weaves increased while corruption sows the winds of impunity. Insecurity and fear of the unknown rocked supreme in the cities. The fight against corruption and embezzlement as well as ghost civil servants was intensified. From communal liberalism, Biya took Cameroonians in his New Deal Policy through Greater Ambitions and Greater Accomplishments. During the 30 years, he invited the administrative elite to the table to eat and shut up. Anyone who raises the nose has risked being eaten by the regime through Operation Sparrow hawk. For three decades, the tenant of Etoudi, failed to lift Cameroon to the “abnormality” of that “everything is possible”. An unconsciousness democracy whereby the dead were always appointed carried the day, good governance and alternation was a dream. He built a straightjacket security better, a labyrinth, personal strategies to conserve power and to prevail over laws of the Republic. Three decades, the “lion man”, opted an operations charm and actions towards the promotion of leisure he gave opium to the people. The Indomitable Lions of which were sold at high prices sank to the doldrums. The avalanche strata of decay and decadence became deplorable. For three decades, he has managed to develop and even patronize all other “forces” of the opposition by breaking all the whims to dictate the pace for credible and transparent elections. He used the same tricks to reduce intellectuals and academics to be helpless, unproductive and ineffective and they found solace in signing motions of support.
In a few days, perhaps hours, the curtains will open the festive aspects of the 30 years of Biyatism. High profile civil servants will ignite fireworks to confiscate the newspapers and airwaves to sing praises. Be ready to hear people calling on the President to represent the CPDM in 2018 Presidential elections.
Democracy
Paul Biya announced on France 24 that the question of his candidacy in 2011 was remote. Many political commentators still hold forth on this pretense of President Biya, when a few days after a few elites of Lekié (Essimi Menye, Henri Eyebe Ayissi Ndongo Esomba etc.) launched “the call of Lékié” which implored the head of state CPDM unique and natural candidate in the 2011 presidential election despite term limits. This action followed the pacific march of Forjindam calling for the revision of the constitution that swept Cameroon. The debate swelled. But Cameroonians were made to believe, as stated by Paul Biya, the subject of the 2011 presidential election was far away. And thunder ... In his end of year speech delivered on 31 January 2007, the President of the Republic expressed his willingness to proceed with a constitutional amendment. As such, Article 6, paragraph 2, which states that the President of the Republic is elected for seven years, renewable once was modified. Whereas this was the only constitutional provision eliminated him from participating in the 2011 Presidential elections. This was arrangement made during the Tripartite of 1991 with opposition parties and the civil society which was promulgated on 18 January 1996. Notwithstanding the riots in February 2008, held up constitutional fear but as lucky as he is, the wind of change had to change it direction in his favour. Other instruments like the constitutional council, a bicameral parliament, the declaration of assets and property as well as the presidential term limits are hard to come by. But the brave man has never consented to implement. And for good reason, analyze political scientists, he fears that the implementation of these provisions would be catastrophic for the project to remain in power for life. The process of decentralization, of which the application is made only in 2006, is like a snail. But councils are still looking inward as the evening star until the day they are autonomous. At a higher level, we waited over 12 years for the provinces to become regions. Until then, we did not cross the line from a simple
Multiparty Politics
The year 1990 marks the beginning of the democratic process in Cameroon with the creation of a “National Coordination for multi-party democracy” which earned Yondo Black, Albert Mukong and several people being arrested for subversion in Douala. Their trial before the military court in Yaoundé in March will result in an initial mobilization of the Cameroon Bar Association to support both the accused and their claims.
Despite the official denial of multiparty, John Fru Ndi launched the SDF in May 1990 in Bamenda. Bamenda was militarized and during the launching of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) six people were killed. On 3 June 1990, the Episcopal Conference of Cameroon published a pastoral letter that openly criticized the government. On 4 July 1990, President Paul Biya abandoned the political monopoly exercised by the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM). A commission to revise the legislation on civil liberties was created by decree on 21 July. From December 1990, the National Assembly passed a series of laws including a law on freedom of association and formation of political parties.These liberalization measures did not prevent the authority to carryout numerous arrests of opponents. From March 1991, in the wake of intense popular mobilization that paralyzed the economic life of the country for 6 months. Cameroonians were caught in a net known as “Ghost Town”. The civil disobedience was calling on the Biya regime to organize a Sovereign National Conference. From April 1991, the operations “ghost towns”, the riots and demonstrations spread to the whole country. In an attempt to resolve the political crisis; President Biya announced elections and constitutional reform. Given the magnitude of crisis, a state of emergency was introduced in May 1991, the “military operational command” to pacify the country. Paul Biya announced elections for February 16, 1992, and Prime Minister Sadou Hayatou opened the tripartite conference in Yaounde on October 30, 1991. Biya succeeded in his game because the opposition was divided between supporters of a prior national conference and those who were in favor of immediate participation in the electoral competition.
The first multiparty elections under Biya took place on March 1, 1992. It was heavily boycotted by the opposition gathered around the SDF radical. The CPDM, the Undp (National Union for Democracy and Progress of Bello Bouba Maïgari), the Mdr (Movement for the Defence of the Republic Dakoli Daissala) and a wing Upc shared 180 seats in Parliament with respectively 88, 68, 18 and 6 seats. This boycott was one of the blunders of the SDF of Ni John Fru Ndi to take over power. On April 26, 1992, a new government was formed CPDM Mdr and Achidi Simon Achu was appointed Prime Minister, Head of Government. On 11 October 1992, presidential elections took place. Paul Biya was re-elected with 39.9%, against 35.9% for J. Fru Ndi and 19.21% for B. Bouba Maïgari. Paul Biya was accused of rigging. The opposition cried fault and the validity of the election was questioned by a U.S. NGO, the “National Democratic Institute.” Rioting generated in the Northwest where the state of emergency was declared, the radical opposition leaders were arrested or placed under house arrest (case of J. Fru Ndi). At the same time, the government opened negotiations with the UPC and dissidents of NUDP. January 18, 1996, the National Assembly voted law No. 96-06 amending the Constitution of 2 June 1972 and Municipal and Legislative election were held on January 21, 1996. The CPDM won widely, even if the opposition parties won in their electoral strongholds the seats were insignificant. These opposition victories were gelatinized by the appointment of representatives of the government in cities like Douala, Bamenda, Garoua, Bafoussam, etc. These new delegates actually had powers of “super mayors”. The opposition responded by launching a slogan of dead cities rather poorly monitored. In February 28, 2008, following a strike by drivers, the entire nation went on flame, the Biya regime had no option than to use the forces of law and order, many youths were shoot and killed. Even Yaounde that use to breath, and the nation was fine was not left out. Cameroonians were treated to new vocabularies such as end of the tunnel, apprentice sorcier and so on and so forth.
When News Breaks Out, We Break In. Minute by Minute Report on Cameroon and Africa
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| President Paul Biya |
In a few days, perhaps hours, the curtains will open the festive aspects of the 30 years of Biyatism. High profile civil servants will ignite fireworks to confiscate the newspapers and airwaves to sing praises. Be ready to hear people calling on the President to represent the CPDM in 2018 Presidential elections.
Democracy
Paul Biya announced on France 24 that the question of his candidacy in 2011 was remote. Many political commentators still hold forth on this pretense of President Biya, when a few days after a few elites of Lekié (Essimi Menye, Henri Eyebe Ayissi Ndongo Esomba etc.) launched “the call of Lékié” which implored the head of state CPDM unique and natural candidate in the 2011 presidential election despite term limits. This action followed the pacific march of Forjindam calling for the revision of the constitution that swept Cameroon. The debate swelled. But Cameroonians were made to believe, as stated by Paul Biya, the subject of the 2011 presidential election was far away. And thunder ... In his end of year speech delivered on 31 January 2007, the President of the Republic expressed his willingness to proceed with a constitutional amendment. As such, Article 6, paragraph 2, which states that the President of the Republic is elected for seven years, renewable once was modified. Whereas this was the only constitutional provision eliminated him from participating in the 2011 Presidential elections. This was arrangement made during the Tripartite of 1991 with opposition parties and the civil society which was promulgated on 18 January 1996. Notwithstanding the riots in February 2008, held up constitutional fear but as lucky as he is, the wind of change had to change it direction in his favour. Other instruments like the constitutional council, a bicameral parliament, the declaration of assets and property as well as the presidential term limits are hard to come by. But the brave man has never consented to implement. And for good reason, analyze political scientists, he fears that the implementation of these provisions would be catastrophic for the project to remain in power for life. The process of decentralization, of which the application is made only in 2006, is like a snail. But councils are still looking inward as the evening star until the day they are autonomous. At a higher level, we waited over 12 years for the provinces to become regions. Until then, we did not cross the line from a simple
Multiparty Politics
The year 1990 marks the beginning of the democratic process in Cameroon with the creation of a “National Coordination for multi-party democracy” which earned Yondo Black, Albert Mukong and several people being arrested for subversion in Douala. Their trial before the military court in Yaoundé in March will result in an initial mobilization of the Cameroon Bar Association to support both the accused and their claims.
Despite the official denial of multiparty, John Fru Ndi launched the SDF in May 1990 in Bamenda. Bamenda was militarized and during the launching of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) six people were killed. On 3 June 1990, the Episcopal Conference of Cameroon published a pastoral letter that openly criticized the government. On 4 July 1990, President Paul Biya abandoned the political monopoly exercised by the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM). A commission to revise the legislation on civil liberties was created by decree on 21 July. From December 1990, the National Assembly passed a series of laws including a law on freedom of association and formation of political parties.These liberalization measures did not prevent the authority to carryout numerous arrests of opponents. From March 1991, in the wake of intense popular mobilization that paralyzed the economic life of the country for 6 months. Cameroonians were caught in a net known as “Ghost Town”. The civil disobedience was calling on the Biya regime to organize a Sovereign National Conference. From April 1991, the operations “ghost towns”, the riots and demonstrations spread to the whole country. In an attempt to resolve the political crisis; President Biya announced elections and constitutional reform. Given the magnitude of crisis, a state of emergency was introduced in May 1991, the “military operational command” to pacify the country. Paul Biya announced elections for February 16, 1992, and Prime Minister Sadou Hayatou opened the tripartite conference in Yaounde on October 30, 1991. Biya succeeded in his game because the opposition was divided between supporters of a prior national conference and those who were in favor of immediate participation in the electoral competition.
The first multiparty elections under Biya took place on March 1, 1992. It was heavily boycotted by the opposition gathered around the SDF radical. The CPDM, the Undp (National Union for Democracy and Progress of Bello Bouba Maïgari), the Mdr (Movement for the Defence of the Republic Dakoli Daissala) and a wing Upc shared 180 seats in Parliament with respectively 88, 68, 18 and 6 seats. This boycott was one of the blunders of the SDF of Ni John Fru Ndi to take over power. On April 26, 1992, a new government was formed CPDM Mdr and Achidi Simon Achu was appointed Prime Minister, Head of Government. On 11 October 1992, presidential elections took place. Paul Biya was re-elected with 39.9%, against 35.9% for J. Fru Ndi and 19.21% for B. Bouba Maïgari. Paul Biya was accused of rigging. The opposition cried fault and the validity of the election was questioned by a U.S. NGO, the “National Democratic Institute.” Rioting generated in the Northwest where the state of emergency was declared, the radical opposition leaders were arrested or placed under house arrest (case of J. Fru Ndi). At the same time, the government opened negotiations with the UPC and dissidents of NUDP. January 18, 1996, the National Assembly voted law No. 96-06 amending the Constitution of 2 June 1972 and Municipal and Legislative election were held on January 21, 1996. The CPDM won widely, even if the opposition parties won in their electoral strongholds the seats were insignificant. These opposition victories were gelatinized by the appointment of representatives of the government in cities like Douala, Bamenda, Garoua, Bafoussam, etc. These new delegates actually had powers of “super mayors”. The opposition responded by launching a slogan of dead cities rather poorly monitored. In February 28, 2008, following a strike by drivers, the entire nation went on flame, the Biya regime had no option than to use the forces of law and order, many youths were shoot and killed. Even Yaounde that use to breath, and the nation was fine was not left out. Cameroonians were treated to new vocabularies such as end of the tunnel, apprentice sorcier and so on and so forth.
When News Breaks Out, We Break In. Minute by Minute Report on Cameroon and Africa
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